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Suzanne Langer sets the problem In the same way, we must learn to see the hidden forms in the in her capsule definition of atchitecture: vast sprawl of our cities. We are not accustomed to organizing "It is the total environment made visible. Curt Sachs gives an example of a failure to make connections beyond a certain Ievel.
Searching for a musical analogy of Our own, he men- tions our church services, where we do not think of coordinating the choir inside with the bells above. In our vast metropolitan areas we do not connect the choir and the bells; like the Sherpa, we see only the sides of Everest and not the mountain. To extend and deepen our perception of the environment would be to continue a long biological and cultural development which' has gone from the contact senses to the dis- tant senses and from the distant senses to symbolic communica- tions.
Our thesis is that we are now able to develop our image of the environment by operation on the external physical shape as well as by an internal learning process. Indeed, the complex- ity of our environment now compels us to do so. Chapter 4 will discuss how this might be done. Primitive man was forced to improve his environmental image by adapting his perception to the given landscape.
Los Angeles, on the other hand, is a new city, of an utterly different scale, and with a gridiron plan in its central area. In each of these cities, two basic analyses were carried out: 1. A systematic field reconnaissance of the area was made on For details. These were subjective judgments based on the immediate appearance of these elements in the field. The interview included requests for descriptions, loca- tions, and sketches, and for the performance of imaginary trips.
The persons interviewed were people who were long resident or employed in the area, and whose residences or work places were distributed throughout the zone in question. To understand the role of environmental images in our own urban lives, it was necessary for us to look carefully at Some thirty persons were thus interviewed in Boston, and fif- some city areas and to talk with their inhabitants.
We needed to teen each in Jersey City and Los Angeles. In Boston the basic develop and test the idea of imageability, and also by a compari- analyses were supplemented by photographic recognition tests, son of image with visual reality to learn what forms make for by actual trips in the field, and by numerous requests for direc- strong images, and thus to suggest some principles for urban tions made of passers-by in the streets.
In addition, detailed design. The work was done in the conviction that analysis of field reconnaissance was made of several special elements of the existing form and its effects on the citizen is one of the founda- Boston scene. As in any small pilot study, the pur- sional and managerial classes prevent us from stating that a true pose was to develop ideas and methods, rather than to prove "public image" has been gained.
But the material is rich in facts in a final and determinate way. The independent field analy- and Los Angeles, California. Boston, the city directly at hand, ses predicted rather accurately the group image derived from the is unique in character among American cities, being both vivid interviews, and so indicated the role of the physical forms them- in form and full of locational difficulties.
Jersey City was chosen selves. It is by presenting the same elements to the view of many individuals. But there can be no doubt that the form of the environment Most of them added that it is an old, historical place, full of itself played a tremendous role in the shaping of the image. The worn-out buildings, yet containing some new structures among coincidences of description, of vividness, even of confusion where the old. Its narrow streets are congested with people and cars; familiarity would seem to indicate knowledge, all make this there is no parking space, but there are striking contrasts between dear.
It is on this relation between image and physical form wide main streets and narrow side streets. The central city is a that our interest centers. In addition to the Com- Distinct differences in the imageability of the three cities mon, the Charles River, and the State House, there are several appeared, even though the persons interviewed had all made other vivid elements, particularly Beacon Hill, Commonwealth some sort of a working adjustment to their environment.
Certain Avenue, the Washington Street shopping and theater district, features—open space, vegetation, sense of motion on the paths, visual contrasts—seemed to be of particular importance in the FIG.
The Boston peninsule from the north cityscape. From the data provided by the comparison of these group images with the visual reality, and from the speculations arising thereon, most of the remainder of this book derives. The con- cepts of imageability and of the element types which will be discussed in Chapter 3 largely derive from, or were refined and developed in, the analysis of this material.
While a discussion of the strengths and weaknesses of the methods are left to Appen- dix B, it is important to understand the basis on which the work rests. Boston The area chosen for study in Boston was all that part of the central peninsula within the line of Massachusetts Avenue. This is an area rather unusual among American cities because of its age, history, and somewhat European flavor. It includes the commercial core of the metropolitan area, as well as several high- density residential districts, ranging from slum to upper-class Figure 1 housing.
Figure 1 is a general aerial view of the region, Figure 2 is an outline map of it, and Figure 3 is a diagrammatic repre- Figure 2, page lit sentation of its major visual elements as derived from the field Figure 3, page 19 reconnaissance. A substantial fraction added other characteristics about Boston: that it lacks open or recreational space; that it is an "individual," small, or medium-sized city; that it has large areas of mixed use; or that it is marked by bay windows, iron fences, or brownstone fronts.
The favorite views were usually the distant panoramas with the sense of water and space. The view from across the Charles Figure 4, page 20 River was often cited, and there were mentions of the river view down Pinckney Street, the vista from a hill in Brighton, the look of Boston from its harbor.
Another favorite sight was that of FIG. The visual form of Boston as teen in the field the dry lights at night, from near or far, when the city seems to take on an excitement that it normally lacks.
Boston has a structure which is understood by almost all of these people. The Charles River with its bridges makes a strong clear edge to which the principal Back Bay streets, particularly Beacon Street and Commonwealth Avenue, are parallel. On the lower side of the Common are Tremont and Washing- ton Streets, parallel to each other and interconnected by several smaller streets.
Tremont Street goes as far as Scollay Square, and from this joint or node Cambridge Street runs back to another node at the Charles Street rotary which ries the frame- work back in to the river again.
In so doing, it encloses Beacon Hill. Farther away from the river appears another strong water edge. Often, in making their cross-city trips, people would veer off course to touch base here as they went by. A large, planted open space bordering the most intensive district in Boston, a place full of associations, accessible to all, the Common is quite unmistakable. It is so located as to expose one edge of three important districts: Beacon Hill, the Back Bay, and the downtown shopping district, and is therefore a nucleus from which anyone can expand his knowledge of the environment.
Furthermore, it is highly differentiated within itself, including the little subway plaza, the fountain, the Frog Pond, the bandstand, the cemetery, the "swan pond," and so on.
Boston from across the Charles River At the same time this open space has a most peculiar shape, uncertainly connected to the rest. Although many subjects had difficult to remember: a five-sided, right-angled figure. Since it an intellectual conception of Boston as a peninsula, they were is also too large and well planted for the sides to be intervisibie, unable to make a visual connection between river and harbor.
And since two of Boston seems in some ways to be a "one-sided" city, which loses the bounding paths, Boylston and Tremont Streets, are of city- precision and content as one moves away from the Charles River edge. If our sample is representative, almost any Bostonian can tell you this much of his city. Equally likely, he could not describe FIG. One of the most interesting districts is one that isn't there: the Figure 35, Page triangular region between the Back Bay and the South End.
This was a blank area on the map for every person interviewed, even the one who was born and raised there. It is an area of substan- tial size containing some known elements such as Huntington Avenue and occasional landmarks such as the Christian Science Church, but the matrix in which these might appear is absent and nameless. Presumably, the blocking by surrounding railroad tracks, and the conceptual squeezing-out of this area because the main streets of Back Bay and the South End are fek to be paral- lel, both contribute to this disappearance.
Here they cross at right angles, but farther out they seem to be parallel, springing perpendicularly from a common base line, Massachusetts Avenue. In addition, the central shopping activity makes an awkward right-angled turn at this same Boylston-Tremont crossing, weak- ens, and then reappears farther up Boylston Street. All this adds up to a critical ambiguity of shape at the city core, a major ori- entation flaw.
Boston is a city of distinctive districts, and in most parts of the central area one knows where one is simply by the general char- acter of the surrounding area.
In one portion there is the unusual case of a continuous mosaic of such distinctive areas: the sequence Back Bay—Common—Beacon Hill—central shopping. Here place is never in question. Yet this thematic vividness is typically associated with formlessness or confusing arrangement. If Boston districts could be given structural clarity as well as dis- tinctive character, they would be greatly strengthened.
In this FIG. The Boston Common failure, incidentally, Boston is probably quite different from many American cities, where areas of forma] order have little char- acter. While the districts tend to be vivid, the path system in Boston Two high-speed highways pass through the central area, Scor- is generally confused. Nevertheless, so important is the func- row Drive and the Central Artery. Both are felt ambiguously tion of circulation that the paths are still dominant in the total either as barriers in reference to movement on the older streets, image, just as in the other cities tested.
There is no basic order or as paths when one imagines oneself to be driving on them. Through much of the central city it is easier to fragmentarily at certain spots. As a path, it is a ribbon rising, move east-west to and from Massachusetts Avenue than it is to dipping, and turning, studded with signs.
In a curious way, both move at right angles to this direction. In this sense, the city has roads are felt to be "outside" the city, hardly related to it, even a sort of grain that is reflected in the mental contortions which though they penetrate it, and there is a dizzying transition to be accompany various imaginary trips.
Nevertheless, the path made at each interchange. Storrow Drive, however, is clearly structure is an unusually difficult one, and its complications have related to the Charles River, and is thus tied to the general pat- furnished much material for the systematic consideration of paths tern of the city, The Central Artery, on the other hand, winds in Chapter 3- The difficulty caused by the right-angled crossing inexplicably through the center, and breaks the orientation link of "parallel" Boylston and Tremont Streets has already been with the North End by blocking Hanover Street.
Moreover, it mentioned. The regular Back Bay grid, a banal characteristic was sometimes confused with the Causeway-Commercial-Atlantic of most American cities, takes on a special quality in Boston by sequence, even though the two paths are quite different, because virtue of its contrast with the remainder of the pattern. In good Boston fashion, individual parts of the path system may have strong character.
But this highly irregular system is made up of separate elements which are only linked one by one, or sometimes not at all. It is a difficult system to draw, or to image as a whole, and must usually be handled by concentrating on the sequence of joints.
These joints or nodes are therefore quite important in Boston, and often rather pallid regions like the "Park Square area" will be named by the crossing that is their Organizing focus. Figure 8 is one way of summarizing this analysis of the Boston image, a summary which might be a first step toward the prepa- ration of a design plan. It is a graphic compilation of what Figure 8 seem to be the major difficulties in the city image: confusions, floating points, weak boundaries, isolations, breaks in continuity, ambiguities, branchings, lacks of character or differentiation.
Coupled with a presentation of the strengths and potentialities of the image, it corresponds to the site-analysis phase of a plan on a smaller scale.
Like a site analysis, it does not determine a plan but is the background upon which creative decisions can be made. Since it is made at a more comprehensive level of analy- FIG. The Central Artery sis, it quite naturally contains a larger degree of interpretation Pro. Problems of he Button image than do previous diagrams.
Crisscrossed by railroads and elevated highways, it has the appearance of a place to pass through rather than to live in. Figure 9, page 27 It is divided into ethnic and class neighborhoods, and is cut by the ramparts of the Palisades. What might have been its natural shopping center was stifled by the artificial creation of Journal Square on the upper land, so that the city has no single center, but rather four or five.
To the usual formlessness of space and heterogeneity of structure that mark the blighted area of any American city is added the complete confusion of an unco- ordinated street system. The drabness, dirt, and smell of the town are at first overpowering.
It was interesting to see how those who had lived there for many years imaged it for themselves. The visual structure of Jersey City as derived from the field reconnaissance is drawn to the same scale and uses the same sym- Figure 10 bols as the Boston diagram.
The city has a little more shape and pattern than an outsider might think, as indeed it must if it is to be habitable at all. But it has rather little and boasts of many fewer recognized elements than does the same area of Boston. Much of the area is disrupted by strong edges. The essentials of the structure are Journal Square, one of the two main shopping centers, with the line of Hudson Boulevard passing through it.
From Hudson Boulevard depends the "Bergen Section" and the important West Side Park, To the east, three paths pass down over the cliff edge to more or less converge in the lower area: Newark, Montgomery, and Communipaw-Grand.
On the cliff stands the Medical Center. Everything stops at the barrier of the railroad-industrial-dock area on the Hudson. This is the essential pattern, and, except perhaps for one or two of the three downhill streets, is familiar to most subjects. The lack of character is apparent from a glance when the con- Figures 37 arret The Jersey City Flg. Jersey City from the south map is almost bare. Journal Square is strong because of its intensive shopping and entertainment activity, but its traffic and FIG.
The visual form of Jersey City as seem in the field Figure Page 28 spatial chaos are confusing and unsettling. Hudson Boulevard rivals the Square for strength; West Side Park is next, the only large park in the city, cited again and again as a distinctive region, a relief in the general texture.
The "Bergen Section" stands out primarily as a class area. The New Jersey Medical Figure 12, page 28 Center is visually unmistakable, rising tall and white from the edge of the cliff, a haphazardly located giant. The other diagrams fill out the image of the city, adding in particular those practical necessities, the major paths, primarily the well-trafficked ones which by their continu- ity are the exceptions to the majority of Jersey City streets.
There is a paucity of recognizable districts and landmarks, and a lack of commonly known centers or nodal points. The city is, however, marked by the presence of several strong edges or iso- lating boundaries: the overhead lines of railroads and highways, the Palisades, and the two waterfronts.
In studying the individual sketches and interviews, it became apparent that none of the respondents had anything like a com- prehensive view of the city in which they had lived for many years. The maps were often fragmented, with large blank areas, concentrating most often on small home territories. The river bluff seemed to be a strong isolating element, and usually a map showed either the top as strong and the lowland as weak or, vice versa, the two being connected by one or two purely conceptual paths.
The lower area, in particular, seemed difficult to structure. The New Jersey Medical Center the most common remarks was that it was not a whole, that it had no center, but was rather a collection of many hamlets. The question: "What first comes to mind with the words 'Jersey City'? Again and again, subjects repeated that "nothing special" came to mind, that the city was hard to symbolize, that it had no distinctive sections.
One woman put it: This is really one of the most pitiful things about Jersey City. There isn't anything that if someone came here from a far place, that I could say, "Oh, I want you to see this, this is so beautiful. Much of the characteristic feeling for Jersey City seemed to be that it was a place on the edge of something else.
One person put it that his two symbols were the skyline of New York, on the one side, and the Pulaski Skyway, standing for Newark, on the other. In all this description we have only one or two visual traffic circle.
This subject first seems to see her environment when she bask location and piece of topography titan Jersey City, if one reaches Hamilton Park, and then through her eyes one suddenly were able to build completely anew.
But the general environ- catches a glimpse of the fenced, open square, with its round, cen- ment was persistently referred to with the words "old," "dirty," tral bandstand, and the surrounding benches. Figure 13 "drab. Most striking was the strong ness to me. Take the following part of a trip descrip- gen Avenue. I mean, sometimes you can't decide which avenue tion in a familiar area, as an example: you want to go on, because they're more or less just the same; there's nothing to differentiate them.
After you cross the highway, there's a going-up bridge; and after you come under the bridge, the first Street you get to, there's How would I recognize Fairview Avenue when I come to it? A Street in Jersey City next corner, there's a radio store and a hardware store right close together on your right. On your left, before you cross the street, is a grocery store and a cleaner.
You come on up to 7th Street, and on 7th Street is a saloon facing you on the lefthand corner, a vegetable market on the righthand — a liquor score on the right side of the road, on the left is a grocery store.
The next street is 6th Street; there's no landmark except that you come under the railroad again. When you go under the railroad, the next street is 5th. On your right is a saloon; there's a new fill- ing station across the street on your right; there is a saloon on the left.
The next is 3rd — you come up to 3rd and see a drugstore on your right, whiskey store across from you on the right; on the left is a grocery store and a saloon on your left across from the grocery store. The next is 2nd, and there's a grocery store on the left and a saloon on the left across from it.
On your right, before you cross the street, there's a place where they sell household appliances, and then 1st Street, there's a butcher shop, meat market on the left and across from it is a vacant lot that's used for a parking lot, on your right is a clothing store and a candy store on the right. It's the only way you can recognize any As the core of a metropolis, central Los Angeles is heavily street in this city. There's nothing distinctive, just another charged with meaning and activity, with large and presumably apartment house, that's all, on the corner.
Yet a number of factors operate to result in a I chink we usually find our way around. Where there's a will different, and less sharp, image than that of Boston. First is the there's a way. It's confusing at times, you may lose some minutes in trying to And a place, but I think eventually you get where decentralization of the metropolitan region, whereby the central you want to go to. The central area has In this relatively undifferentiated environment there is a reli- intensive shopping, but it is no longer the best shopping, and ance not only an use-locations, but frequently on gradients of use, great numbers of citizens never enter the downtown area from or of the relative state of repair of structures.
The street signs, one year to the next. Second, the grid pattern itself is an undif- the big advertising signs of Journal Square, and the factories are ferentiated matrix, within which elements cannot always be the landmarks. Any landscaped open spaces, such as Hamilton located with confidence. Third, the central activities are spatially or Van Vorst Parks, or especially the large West Side Park, are extended and shifting, a fact which dilutes their impact.
Fre- cherished. On two occasions, people used tiny grass triangles at certain street intersections as landmarks. Another woman spoke of driving over to a small park on a Sunday, so that she could sit FlG.
The visual form of Los Angela as seen in the field in the car and look at it. The fact that the Medical Center has a small landscaped plot in front of it seems to be as important an identifying characteristic as its great bulk and skyline silhou- ette. The evident low imageability of this environment was reflected in the image held even by its long-time residents, and was manifested in dissatisfaction, poor orientation, and an ina- bility to describe or differentiate its parts.
Yet even such a seemingly chaotic set of surroundings does in fact have some pat- tern, and people seize upon and elaborate this pattern by concen- tration on minor clues, as well as by shifting their attention from physical appearance to other aspects. Los Angeles The Los Angeles area, the heart of a great metropolitan region, presents a different picture, and one quite different from Boston as well.
The area, while comparable in size to the Boston and Jersey City zones, includes little more than the central business district and its fringes. The subjects were familiar with the area, not through residence, but by reasons of work place in one Figure 14 of the central offices or stores. Figure 14 presents the field recon- naissance in the usual manner. The Hollywood and Harbor Freeways may be recog- nised as bounding the two open sides of the L The general Image is remarkable for its emptiness east of Main or Los Ange- les Streets, and south of 7th Street, except for the extension of the repeating grid.
The central area is set in a vacuum. This L-shaped center is liberally sprinkled with remembered land- Figure 43, page marks, chief of them being the Statler and Biltmore Hotels, and then, among others, the Richfield Building, the Public Library, Robinsons and Bullocks department stores, the Federal Savings Building, the Philharmonic auditorium, City Hall, and the Union Depot.
But only two landmarks were described in any concrete detail: the ugly, black and gold Richfield Building and the pyra- mided top of the City Hall. Las Angeles from the west quent rebuilding prevents the identification that builds up by historical process. The elements themselves, despite and some- times because of frequent attempts at flamboyance, are often visually faceless. Nevertheless, we are not now looking at another chaotic Jersey City, but rather at the active and ecologi- cally ordered center of a great metropolis.
The accompanying aerial photograph gives an impression of Figure 15 this scene. Except by minute attention to plant types, or to the distant background, it would be hard to distinguish this from the center of many U. There is the same piling-up of blank office structures, the same ubiquity of traffic ways and parking lots. The image maps, however, are much more dense than those of Jersey City. The essential structure of this image is the nodal point of Per- shing Square, which lies in the crook of the L formed by two shopping streets, Broadway and 7th Street.
All this is in the gen- eral matrix of a grid of paths. At the far end of Broadway is the Civic Center area, and beyond that the sentimentally important node of the Plaza-Olvera Street.
Along with the Plaza-Olvera Street node Figure 1 7 involving another open space , Pershing Square was the most sharply described element, with its immaculate central lawn, fringed first by banana trees, then by a ring of old people sitting in solid ranks on the stone walls, then by busy streets, and finally by the close files of downtown buildings. Although remarkable, it was not always felt to be pleasant. Sometimes subjects showed fear of the old and eccentric people who use it; more often the response was one of pathos, heightened by the way in which these people are confined to the fringing walls, and kept off the cen- tral grass.
Unfavorable comparisons were drawn with the earlier, if dowdier, aspect of the Square: a grove of trees, with scattered benches and walks. The central grass was resented not only be- cause of its denial to the park loungers, but because it makes it impossible to cut across the space, as a pedestrian would normally do.
Nevertheless, this is a highly identifiable image, strength- ened by the presence of a dominant landmark, the red-brown mass of the Biltmore Hotel, which efficiently orients the direction of the Square. For all its importance in the city image, Pershing Square seems to float a little. It is one block away from the two key streets, FIG. Persbing Square 7th and Broadway, and many were uncertain of its precise loca- tion, although sure of its general one.
Subjects on their trips Other than the Civic Center area, recognizable districts are tended in their minds to peer sideways for it, as they passed each either small and linear, confined to the borders of paths such as minor street. This seems bound up with its off-center location, the 7th Street shopping, the Broadway shopping, Transportation and also with the subjects' tendency to confound various streets, Row on 6th Street, the Spring Street financial district, and Skid as noted below.
The Civic Center is strongest, because of its obvious for all. As the original main street and still the largest shopping Figure 18, page 38 Figure Bunker Hill is not as strong an image, on its sidewalks, by the length and continuity of its shopping, by despite its historical connotations, and quite a few felt that it the marquees of its movie houses, and by the street cars where was "not in the downtown area. Although conceded to be the core, in bending 'around this major topographic feature, has suc- core, if anything is, yet Broadway was not a shopping area for ceeded in visually burying it.
Its walks are crowded with Pershing Square is consistently the strongest element of all: an the ethnic minorities and lower-income groups whose living exotically landscaped open space in the heart of downtown, rein- quarters ring the central section. They were quick to side-to-side differences in use or pedestrian intensity, such as describe the status differences between the Broadway crowds, and along Broadway, seem frequent enough to provide directional those to be seen on 7th Street, which, if not elite, is at least a differentiation.
In fact all streets are visually closed, despite the middle-class shopping street. Across the Hollywood Freeway is one of the strongest elements This confusion of paths was apparent in the interviews. To a of all, the nodal center of the Pla2avera Street. This was very Figure 19 lesser extent, the named longitudinal streets were also inter- sharply described: its shape, trees, benches, people; the tiles, the changeable.
Several of these "north-south" streets, particularly "cobbled" actually brick-paved street, the tight space, the goods Flower, Hope, Grand, and Olive, all of which run into Bunker for sale, unfailingly the smells of candles and candy. Not only Hill, tended at times, like the numbered streets, to be confused is this small spot visually very distinct, but it is the only true his- one for another.
They felt that the grid had deserted them, and FIG. Broadway FIG. Alameda Street leads treacherously away to the left, you got there you discovered there was nothing there, after all. The large-scale But there was some evidence that orientation at the regional clearance of the civic area seems to have erased the original scale was not too difficult.
The apparatus of regional orienta- Figure 20 grid and substituted little new. The freeway is a sunken barrier. An endless spread, Below this grand scale, however, structure and identity seemed which may carry pleasant connotations of space around the dwell- to be quite difficult.
There were no medium-si2ed districts, and ings, or overtones of weariness and disorientation, was the com- paths were confused. People spoke of being lost when off habit- mon image. Said one subject: ual routes, of depending heavily on street signs. Ac the smallest scale, there were occasional pockers of high identity and mean- FIG.
The Hollywood Freeway ing: mountain cabins, beach houses, or areas planted with highly differentiated vegetation. But this was not universal, and an essential middle link in the structure, the imageability of districts at the medium scale, tended to be weak.
In almost all the interviews, where subjects were describing the trip they took from home to work, there was a progressive decrease in the vividness of impressions as they approached down- town. Near the home there was much detail about the slopes and turns, the vegetation and the people; there was evidence of daily interest and pleasure in the scene.
Nearing the center, this image gradually became grayer, more abstract and conceptual. The downtown area, as in Jersey City, was basically a collection of named uses and store fronts. Undoubtedly this was in part due to the increasing strain of driving on the major radials, but it seemed to persist even after leaving the car. Evidently the visual material is itself of poorer stuff. Perhaps the increasing smog also has its effect. Smog and haze, incidentally, were frequently mentioned as the torment of the city dweller.
They seemed to dull environmental colors, so that the over-all tone was reported to be whitish, yel- lowish, or gray. The early portion field Building, or City Hall. Even car drivers moving at high speed seemed to not themes in the interviews. This was the daily experience, the and enjoy such urban detail. Bur these remarks did not apply to the area directly unde Figure 20, page 40 Trip details were full of references to signal lights and signs, study.
Central Los Angeles is far from the visual chaos of Jerse; intersections and turning problems. On the freeways, decisions City, and it has a rather liberal number of single building land had to be made far ahead of time; there were constant lane marks.
Yet, except for a conceptual and rather undifferentiated maneuvers. It was like shooting rapids in a boat, with the same grid, it was difficult to organize or comprehend as a whole. I excitement and tension, the same constant effort to "keep one's had no strong general symbols. The strongest images, Broadway head.
There were frequent references to the over- at least, rather alien or even menacing. Not one described then passes, the fun of the big interchanges, the kinesthetic sensations as pleasant or beautiful.
The little, neglected Plaza, and certain of dropping, turning, climbing. For some persons, driving was a of the shopping or entertainment functions symbolized by the challenging, high-speed game. One subject put this by topography. One subject felt that coming over a great hill each saying that the old Plaza, on one end, and the new Wilshire Bou- morning marked the midpoint of her journey and gave shape to levard, on the other, were the only things with character, and that it.
Another noted the extension of the city's scale due to the they summed up Los Angeles. The image seemed to lack much new roads, which have changed her whole conception of the of the recognizable character, stability, and pleasant meaning of relations of elements.
There were references to the pleasure of central Boston. On the other hand, as in Boston, these drivers We find, in comparing these three cities if we can find any- seemed to have difficulty in locating the freeway, in tying it to thing in such small samplings that, as might be expected, peo- the rest of the city structure.
There was a common experience ple adjust to their surroundings and extract structure and identity of a momentary loss of orientation when coming off a freeway our of the material at hand. The types of elements used in the ramp. Perhaps quite comparable between the three, although the proportion of because so much of the environment is new or changing, there element types may vary with the actual form. Yet at the same was evidence of widespread, almost pathological, attachment to time, there are marked differences between the levels of orienta- anything that had survived the upheaval.
Thus the tiny Plaza- tion and satisfaction in these different physical environments. Olvera Street node: or even the decayed hotels of Bunker Hill, Among other things, the tests made clear the significance of Figure 4. Page 20 claimed the attention of many subjects. There was an impression space and breadth of view. The dominance of Boston's Charles from these few interviews that there is an even greater senti- River edge is based on the wide visual sweep it affords on enter- mental attachment to what is old than exists in conservative ing the city from this side.
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